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'Erectile Pricing': Why Viagra's Cost Defies the Laws of Economics

June 23, 2019 in Economics

By Charles Silver, David A. Hyman

Charles Silver and David A. Hyman

Among economists, it is an article of faith that competition
lowers prices. But when it comes to prescription drugs, the
ordinary rules do not apply. According to a new study, competition
not only fails to reduce drug prices, it may drive them higher.

Using data supplied by Blue Cross Blue Shield, researchers
studied the prices of 49 widely used brand-name drugs over six
years. They then focused on 17 drugs that had direct therapeutic
equivalents—i.e., competing brand-name drugs that treat the
same medical condition. For example, Humalog, Humulin, and Novolog
are all forms of insulin used to treat diabetes. Competition should
have caused the prices of these 17 drugs to rise more slowly than
those of the remaining drugs.

Competition works to
lower prices in the rest of the economy, so why doesn’t it pressure
pharma companies to sell brand-name drugs for less?

In fact, the median prices of the 17 drugs with therapeutic
equivalents grew slightly faster than those of the 32 drugs that
did not face competition, although the difference was not
statistically significant. Not only that, but the price hikes for
the therapeutically equivalent drugs “were highly
synchronized” and were “some of the largest cost
increases” observed in the study.

We first noticed this phenomenon—synchronized price hikes
for competing drugs—when studying the prices of Viagra,
Cialis and Levitra, which are treatments for erectile dysfunction.
In theory, Viagra’s price should have fallen when Cialis hit
the market, and prices for both drugs should have declined further
when Levitra became available.

That did not happen. Instead, over many years, the prices of all
three drugs rose in lockstep. Instead of seeking to gain market
share by cutting prices, the pharma companies played “follow
the leader.” When one charged more, the others did too.
Because of the products involved, we named the phenomenon
“erectile pricing.” The new study shows that erectile
pricing is not limited to ED drugs.

Competition works to lower prices in the rest of the economy, so
why doesn’t it pressure pharma companies to sell brand-name
drugs for less? One reason is that the number of sellers is small,
making it easy for drug makers to coordinate. They need only mimic
each other’s price changes until they all learn to
“follow the leader.”

Insurance coverage compounds the problem by insulating consumers
from high prices and making enormous amounts of money available to
pay for drugs. When copays are fixed, consumers have no incentive
to use less expensive drugs, and manufacturers cannot gain market
share by charging less. And manufacturers can raise prices because
Medicare, Medicaid, and private insurers will pay pretty much
whatever they ask. …read more

Source: OP-EDS

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Wrong: Trump Is Not an Isolationist

June 23, 2019 in Economics

By Ted Galen Carpenter

Ted Galen Carpenter

An increasingly popular accusation among members of the U.S.
foreign-policy establishment and their allies in the news media is
that Donald Trump’s administration is abandoning
America’s global leadership role and placing the country into
an isolationist cocoon. The latest proponent of that thesis is New
York Times columnist David Brooks, who asserts flatly that “America is
withdrawing from the world.” He adds that the negative
results of that course “are there for all to see.”
Brooks cites as examples China’s increasingly aggressive
treatment of Hong Kong, a variety of Russian misdeeds, and
Iran’s (but notably not Saudi Arabia’s or
Israel’s) disruptive behavior in the Middle East. He contends
that America’s alleged abandonment of the “liberal
international order” will likely lead to even more widespread
unfortunate consequences.

There are several problems with the argument that Brooks and his
ideological brethren are propounding. First, the concept of a
liberal international order is at best aspirational and at
worst fictional
. The reality is that it has been little more
than a convenient façade for U.S. hegemony exercised through
Washington’s network of military alliances and U.S.-dominated
international political and economic institutions. The United
States and its allies have routinely violated the supposed norms of
a rules-based international order whenever such action seemed
convenient.

Second, the notion that Trump’s foreign policy has been a
dramatic departure from those of his predecessors since World War
II is a myth. That is especially true regarding security issues.
Although the president’s rhetoric toward Washington’s
longtime allies has sometimes been abrasive and less collegial, his
actions have differed little from the post-World War II norm. There
certainly is no credible evidence that he is orchestrating a
withdrawal from Washington’s multitude of global security
commitments and initiatives.

Despite the accusations
from Trump’s critics, Washington remains as hawkish and
interventionist as ever.

Indeed, allegations of a retreat into isolationism are
especially bizarre as America seems poised on the brink of war with
Iran. And those making the “abandonment of global
leadership,” “retreat from responsibility” and
“embrace of isolationism” arguments have considerable
difficulty citing concrete Trump administration actions that
correspond to those cliches. Where, exactly, have such examples
taken place?

Despite Trump’s rhetoric in the 2016 election campaign
that the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan should be terminated, he
promptly reneged on that position, and
Washington’s war in that country goes on with no apparent end
in sight. Likewise, the United States maintains a military presence
in Syria and still pursues the increasingly quixotic effort to
unseat Bashar al-Assad’s government. Indeed, U.S. military
action escalated, with air and missile strikes on Syrian government
forces.

Nor has Trump terminated the Obama administration’s policy
of making the United …read more

Source: OP-EDS